WILDLIFE CONSERVATION AND POACHING IN OLD OYO NATIONAL PARK, OYO STATE, NIGERIA

Abstract

Excessive hunting and the possible extinction of wildlife have led to conservation policies globally. In Nigeria, Old Oyo National Park (OONP) is one of the wildlife conservation areas designated by the Federal Government. Despite its status as a conservation area, poaching remains a major threat. Literature has focused more on the positive implications of conservation and activities of international poaching gangs but, there is limited knowledge on local interpretations of conservation and the local poaching networks. This study, therefore, was designed to examine the political economy of wildlife conservation, local interpretations of poaching, the network and organisation of poachers, animal-specific poaching preference and the marketing processes of poached animals in the Old Oyo National Park.

Theory of Political Economy of Wildlife Extraction was used, while the exploratory research design was adopted. Three OONP ranges with high poaching activities – Marguba, Sepeteri and Yemoso – were purposively selected. Secondary data were sourced from OONP annual reports (2007 to 2017). In each range, data were collected from Key Informants: traditional rulers (3), Range heads (3), park rangers (3), poachers’ leaders (3) and Interviewees: traditional chiefs (4), bushmeat vendors (4), hunter-poachers (8) and National Park Officials (4). Six Focus group discussions comprising two sessions in each range were conducted among youth hunter-poachers, adult hunter-poachers and members of the community from November, 2016 to April, 2017. Six case studies were conducted with hunter-poachers within the same period. Data were content analysed.

Government conservation policy alienated the indigenous population from legally accessing wildlife resources in the park. The sum of ₦65, 571,378.00 accrued to the government from 2007 to 2017 but no direct benefit was extended to the indigenous population. Interpreting the ban on hunting as marginalisation and exploitation, the local population poached to assert their right of access to the park in deliberate rebellion to the government. They perceived that the government and park officials value wildlife more than the lives, livelihood, survival and aspirations of the locals. The local poaching networks included hunter-poachers, bushmeat sellers (middlemen, retailers and caterers), charm makers and local medicine men in near and distant communities. The poachers network in groups of three to six and use nicknames, slangs, whistling, tree marking, plant bending and tree hitting as symbolic communication codes. They mostly poached animals for food and therapeutic reasons including Pangolin (Akika), Python (Olúfà), Maxwell duiker (Ẹtù), Porcupine (Òorè), Roan antelope (Mọ̀sià), African civeat wildcat (Ẹtà), Bushbuck (Ìgalà), Oribi (Èkùlù), Waterbuck (Òtòlò), Crocodile (Òni) and Kob (Egbin). The marketing processes of the poached animals were ‘underground’ as poachers sold to bushmeat vendors who smoked the poached animals and ensure that they were well preserved before smuggling or selling them to vendors, retailers, chopbars and Nigerians in Diaspora.

Poaching persisted in Old Oyo National Park because the indigenous population were alienated and view the Park as the custodian of wildlife which provides livelihood for the local communities. Government conservation policy requires the reinstatement of local inhabitants as the custodians of wildlife.